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« Jackie Kennedy believed Lyndon Johnson killed JFK | Main | Federal Corruption Case Moves Forward As Media Fails To Investigate/Report »

Hidden Government Group Linking JFK Assassination, Watergate, Iran-Contra And 9/11

Peter Dale Scott is considered the father of “Deep Politics”— the study of
hidden permanent institutions and interests whose influence on the political
realm transcends the elected, appointed and career officials who come and go.

A Professor of English at Berkeley and a former Canadian diplomat, he is the
author of several critically acclaimed books on the pivotal events of our
country’s recent past, including Deep Politics and the Death of JFK ; Drugs,
Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina (War and
Peace Library); The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America and
American War Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection, and the
Road to Afghanistan (War and Peace Library). He is also a poet, whose long work,
Coming to Jakarta: A Poem about Terror, was hailed as “the most important
political poem to appear in the English language in a very long time,” by Robert
Hass, Poet Laureate of the United States from 1995 to 1997.

Daniel Ellsberg said of his book Drugs, Oil and War, “It makes most academic
and journalistic explanations of our past and current interventions read like
government propaganda written for children.”

What follows is based on a recent Scott lecture entitled “The JFK Assassination
and Other Deep Events”, and will be expanded on further in his next book, The
American Deep State, due out in November.


For some time now, I have been analyzing American history in the light of what I
have called structural deep events: events like the JFK assassination, the
Watergate break-in, Iran-Contra, or 9/11, which repeatedly involve law-breaking
or violence, are mysterious to begin with, are embedded in ongoing covert
processes, have political consequences that enlarge covert government, and are
subsequently covered up by systematic falsifications in the mainstream media and
internal government records.

The more I study these deep events, the more I see suggestive similarities
between them, increasing the possibility that they are not unrelated external
intrusions on American history, but parts of an endemic process, sharing to some
degree or other a common source. A deep state event seen from deep space.

For example, one factor linking Dallas, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and 9/11, has
been the involvement in all four deep events of personnel involved in America’s
highest-level emergency planning, known since the 1950s as Continuity of
Government (COG) planning, or more colloquially inside the Pentagon as “the
Doomsday Project.” A few of these actors may have been located at the top, as
overseers of the secret COG system. Others – including some I shall talk about
today – were located further down in its secret communications network.

I see this planning group as one among many in what I have chosen to call the
American deep state, along with agencies like the CIA and NSA, the private
groups like Booz Allen Hamilton to which more than half of the US intelligence
budget is outsourced, and finally the powerful banks and corporations whose
views are well represented in the CIA and NSA. But if only one group among many,
the COG planning group is also special, because of its control of and access to
a communications channel, not under government control, that can reach deeply
into the US social structure. I discuss these matters at some length in my next
book, The American Deep State, due out in November.

COG planning was originally authorized by Truman and Eisenhower as planning
for a response to a crippling atomic attack that had decapitated government. In
consequence its planning group contemplated extreme measures, including what
Alfonso Chardy in 1987 called “suspension of the Constitution.” And yet in Iran-
Contra its asset of a secret communications network, developed for the
catastrophe of decapitation, was used instead to evade an official embargo on
arms sales to Iran that dated back to 1979. My question today is whether the
network could have been similarly misused in November 1963.

The Iran-contra misuse has been well-documented. Oliver North supervised the
sale of arms to Iran by using his resources as the National Security Council
action officer for COG planning, under cover of a “National Program Office” that
was overseen by then Vice-President George H. W.  Bush. North and his superiors
could thus use the COG emergency network, known then as Flashboard, for the arms
sales to Iran that had to be concealed from other parts of the Washington
bureaucracy as well as the public. So when North had to send emergency
instructions for arms delivery to the US Embassy in Lisbon, instructions that
directly contravened the embargo prohibiting such sales, he used the Flashboard
network to avoid alerting the Ambassador and other unwitting personnel.

The documented example of Iran-Contra allows me to explain what I am saying
about the users of the COG network, and also what I am not saying. To begin
with, I am not saying that a single “Secret Team” has for decades been using the
COG network to manipulate the US Government from outside it. There is no
evidence to suggest that North’s actions in Iran-Contra were known to any of his
superiors other than CIA chief William Casey and probably George Bush. The point
is that a very small group had access to a high-level secret network outside
government review, in order to implement a program in opposition to government
policy. They succumbed to the temptation to use this secure network that had
been designed for other purposes. I have argued elsewhere that this secure
network was used again on 9/11, to implement key orders for which the 9/11
Commission could find no records. Whether it was also used for illicit purposes
is not known.

It is certain that the COG emergency network program survived North’s demise,
and continued to be secretly developed for decades, at a cost of billions, and
overseen by a team including Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. It is relevant
that the two men’s presence on the committee spanned three administrations –
those of Reagan, Bush I, and Clinton — even though at one point under Clinton
neither man held a position inside the U.S. government. Such continuity was
essential for a group so secret that few records existed of its activities. And
on 9/11 COG plans were officially implemented for the first time, by Vice
President Cheney and Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, the two men who had planned
them for so many years.

Whether or not they knew about Iran-Contra, Cheney and Rumsfeld were on the COG
planning committee at the time of Iran-Contra. There is no such obvious link
between COG planning and Watergate, but the involvement of COG personnel in
Watergate is nonetheless striking. James McCord, one of the Watergate burglars,
was a member of a small Air Force Reserve unit in Washington attached to the
Office of Emergency Preparedness (OEP) that was assigned “to draw up lists of
radicals and to develop contingency plans for censorship of the news media and
U.S. mail in time of war.” His unit was part of the Wartime Information Security
Program (WISP), which had responsibility for activating “contingency plans for
imposing censorship on the press, the mails and all telecommunications
(including government communications) [and] preventive detention of civilian
‘security risks,’ who would be placed in military ‘camps.’” In addition, John
Dean, perhaps the central Watergate figure, had overseen secret COG activities
when serving as the associate deputy attorney general.

In the case of the JFK assassination, I wish to focus on two men who
functioned as part of the communications network of the Office of Emergency
Planning (OEP), the agency renamed in 1968 as the Office of Emergency
Preparedness (to which McCord was attached), and renamed again in 1982 as the
National Program Office (for which Oliver North was the action officer).

These two men (there are others) are Winston Lawson, the Secret Service advance
man who from the lead car of the motorcade was in charge of the Secret Service
radio channels operating in the motorcade; and Jack Crichton, the army
intelligence reserve officer who with Deputy Dallas Police Chief George Lumpkin
selected the Russian interpreter for Marina Oswald’s first (and falsified) FBI

Lawson has drawn the critical attention of JFK researchers, both for dubious
actions he took before and during the assassination, and also for false
statements he made after it (some of them under oath). For example, Lawson
reported after the assassination that motorcycles were deployed on “the right
and left flanks of the President’s car” (17 WH 605). On the morning of November
22, however, the orders had been changed (3 WH 244), so that the motorcycles
rode instead, as Lawson himself testified to the Warren Commission, “just back
of the President’s car” (4 WH 338; cf. 21 WH 768-70). Captain Lawrence of the
Dallas Police testified that that the proposed side escorts were redeployed to
the rear on Lawson’s own instructions (7 WH 580-81; cf. 18 WH 809, 21 WH 571).
This would appear to have left the President more vulnerable to a possible

Early on November 22, at Love Field, Lawson installed, in what would become the
lead car, the base radio whose frequencies were used by all Secret Service
agents on the motorcade. This radio channel, operated by the White House
Communications Agency (WHCA), was used for some key decisions before and after
the assassination, yet its records, unlike those of the Dallas Police Department
(DPD) Channels One and Two, were never made available to the Warren Commission,
or any subsequent investigation. The tape was not withheld because it was
irrelevant; on the contrary, it contained very significant information.

The WHCA actually reports to this day on its website that the agency was “a
key player in documenting the assassination of President Kennedy.” However it is
not clear for whom this documentation was conducted, or why it was not made
available to the Warren Commission, the House Select Committee on
Assassinations, or the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). It should have

For one thing, the WHCA tape, as Vincent Palamara has written, contains the
“key” to the unresolved mystery of who, after the shooting, redirected the
motorcade to Parkland hospital. The significance of this apparently
straightforward command, about which there was much conflicting testimony, is
heightened when we read repeated orders on the Dallas Police radio transcript to
“cut all traffic for the ambulance going to Parkland code 3” (17 WH 395) – the
ambulance in question having nothing to do with the president (whose shooting
had not yet been announced on the DPD radio). In fact the ambulance had been
dispatched about ten minutes before the assassination to pick someone from in
front of the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD), who was wrongly suspected of
having suffered an epileptic seizure.

Lawson later reported to the Secret Service that he heard on his radio “that we
should proceed to the nearest hospital.” He wrote also that he “requested Chief
Curry to have the hospital contacted,” and then that “Our Lead Car assisted the
motorcycles in escorting the President’s vehicle to Parkland Hospital” (17 WH
632), cf. 21 WH 580). In other words, after hearing something on the WHCA radio,
Lawson helped ensure that the President’s limousine would follow the route
already set up by the motorcycles for the epileptic. (In his very detailed
Warren Commission testimony, Lawson said nothing about the route having already
been cleared. On the contrary he testified that “we had to do some stopping of
cars and holding our hands out the windows and blowing the sirens and horns to
get through” (4 WH 354).

The WHCA radio channel used by Lawson and others communicated almost directly to
the WHCA base at Mount Weather in Virginia, the base facility of the COG
network. From there, Secret Service communications were relayed to the White
House, via the batteries of communications equipment connecting Mount Weather
with the White House and “Raven Rock” — the underground Pentagon sixty miles
north of Washington — as well as with almost every US military unit stationed
around the globe.

Jack Crichton, head of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit of Dallas, was
also part of this Mount Weather COG network. This was in his capacity as chief
of intelligence for Dallas Civil Defense, which worked out of an underground
Emergency Operating Center. As Russ Baker reports, “Because it was intended for
‘continuity of government’ operations during an attack, [the Center] was fully
equipped with communications equipment.” In retrospect the Civil Defense Program
is remembered derisively, for having advised schoolchildren, in the event of an
atomic attack, to hide their heads under their desks.But in 1963 civil defense
was one of the urgent responsibilities assigned to the Office of Emergency
Planning, which is why Crichton, as much as Secret Service agent Lawson, could
be in direct touch with the OEP’s emergency communications network at Mount

Jack Crichton is of interest because he, along with DPD Deputy Chief George
Lumpkin of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit, was responsible for
choosing a Russian interpreter for Marina Oswald from the right-wing Russian
community. This man was Ilya Mamantov, who translated for Marina Oswald at her
first DPD interview on November 22. What she allegedly said in Russian at this
interview was later used to bolster what I have called the “phase one” story,
still promoted from some CIA sources, that Russia and/or Cuba were behind the

As summarized by the FBI, Mamantov’s account of Marina’s Russian testimony was
as follows:

MARINA OSWALD advised that LEE HARVEY OSWALD owned a rifle which he used in
Russia about two years ago. She observed what she presumed to be the same rifle
in a blanket in the garage at [Ruth Paine’s residence]…. MARINA OSWALD stated
that on November 22, she had been shown a rifle in the Dallas Police
Department…. She stated that it was a dark color like the one that she had seen,
but she did not recall the sight.

These specific details – that Marina said she had seen a rifle that was dark and
scopeless – were confirmed in an affidavit (signed by Marina and Mamantov, 24 WH
219) that was taken by DPD officer B.L. Senkel (24 WH 249). They were confirmed
again by Ruth Paine, who witnessed the Mamantov interview, (3 WH 82). They were
confirmed again the next night in an interview of Marina by the Secret Service,
translated by Mamantov’s close friend Peter Gregory. But a Secret Service
transcript of the interview reveals that the source of these details was
Gregory, not Marina:

(Q) This gun, was it a rifle or a pistol or just what kind of a gun? Can she
answer that?

(A) It was a gun

Mr. Gregory asked: Can you describe it?

NOTE: Subject said: I cannot describe it because a rifle to me like all rifles.

Gregory translation: She said she cannot describe it. It was sort of a dark
rifle just like any other common rifle…

Subject in Russian: It was a hump (or elevation) but I never saw through the

Gregory translation: She says there was an elevation on the rifle but there was
no scope – no telescope.

We have to conclude not just that Gregory had falsified Marina’s testimony (“a
rifle to me like all rifles”); but so probably had his friend Mamantov, who
later testified no less than seven times to the Warren Commission that Marina
had used the word “dark” to describe the gun. There were others in Dallas who
claimed that Oswald’s gun indeed had been scopeless, until Oswald had a scope
installed on it by Dallas gunsmith Dial Ryder. The Warren Report elaborately
refuted this corroborated claim, and concluded that “the authenticity of the
repair tag” used to support it was “subject to grave doubts.” (WR 317).

We can see here, what the Warren Commission did not wish to see, signs of a
conspiracy to misrepresent Marina’s testimony, and possibly to link Oswald’s gun
to a dark and scopeless rifle he had in the Soviet Union. Our concerns that
Mamantov misrepresented her lead us to concerns about why two Army Intelligence
Reserve officers from the 488th unit (Jack Crichton and Deputy DPD Chief George
Lumpkin) selected Mamantov as her interpreter. Our concerns are increased when
we see that B.L. Senkel, the DPD officer who took Marina’s suspect affidavit,
was the partner of F.P. Turner, who collected the dubious rifle repair tag (24
WH 328), and that both men spent most of November 22 with DPD Deputy Chief
Lumpkin. For example, they were with Lumpkin in the pilot car of the motorcade
when Lumpkin was communicating with Winston Lawson in the lead car behind them.

I conclude that when we look at the conduct of the two men we know to have been
parts of the COG emergency communications network in Dallas, we see patterns of
sinister behavior that also involved others, or what we may call conspiratorial
behavior. These concatenated efforts to implicate Oswald in a phase-one
conspiracy narrative lead me to propose a hypothesis for which I have neither
evidence nor an alternative explanation: namely, that someone on the WHCA
network may have been the source for the important unexplained description on
the Dallas Police tapes of a suspect who had exactly the false height and weight
(5 feet 10 inches, 165 pounds) recorded for Oswald in his FBI and CIA files.

Note that there are no other known sources ascribing this specific height and
weight to Oswald. For example, when he was arrested and charged in Dallas that
same day, Oswald was recorded as having a height of 5’9 ½ inches, and a weight
of 131 pounds. The first reference to Oswald as 5’10”, 165 pounds, was that
offered by Oswald’s mother Marguerite to FBI Agent Fain in May 1960, when Oswald
himself was absent in Russia.

The DPD officer contributing the description on the Police Channel was Inspector
Herbert Sawyer, who allegedly had heard it from someone outside the Texas School
Book Depository (TSBD) whom he could not identify or describe. The Warren Report
said categorically that his source was Howard Brennan (WR 5), and that on the
evening of November 22, Brennan “identified Oswald as the person in the lineup
who bore the closest resemblance to the man in the window but he said that he
was unable to make a positive identification” (WR 145). But there are many
reasons to doubt this, starting with conflicts in Brennan’s own testimony (as
Anthony Summers reported in Conspiracy, pp. 109-10) . And Ian Griggs has made a
strong case that Brennan never saw Oswald in a line-up that evening. (There are
police records placing Oswald in three line-ups that day, and corroborating
witness reports of them; but there is no evidence whatever that Brennan attended
any of the three.)

There is another strong reason to doubt that the source was Brennan. Brennan
testified later to the Warren Commission that he saw his suspect in a window of
the Texas School Book Depository, “standing up and leaning against the left
window sill.” Pressed to describe how much of the suspect he saw, Brennan
answered, “I could see probably his whole body, from his hips up. But at the
time that he was firing the gun, a possibility from his belt up” (3 WH 144).

The awkwardness of Brennan’s language draws attention to the fundamental problem
about the description. It is hard to imagine anyone giving a full height and
weight estimate from seeing someone who was only partially visible in a window.
So there are intrinsic grounds for believing the description must have come from
another source. And when we see that the same description is found in Oswald’s
FBI and CIA files — and nowhere else – there are reasons to suspect the source
was from government secret files.

We have seen that there was interaction in Dallas between the WHCA and DPD radio
channels, thanks to the WHCA portable radio that Lawson had installed in the
lead car of the presidential motorcade. This radio in turn was in contact by
police radio with the pilot car ahead of it, carrying Dallas Police Department
(DPD) Deputy Chief Lumpkin of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit. At the
same time, as noted above, it was in contact with the COG nerve center at Mount
Weather, Virginia. And Mount Weather had the requisite secret communications to
receive information from classified intelligence files, without other parts of
the government being alerted.

Permit me at this moment an instructive digression. It is by now well
established that Kennedy in 1963 was concerned enough by “the threat of far-
right treason” that he urgently persuaded Hollywood director John Frankenheimer
“to turn [the novel] Seven Days in May into a movie.” In this book, to quote
Wikipedia, a charismatic superior officer, Air Force General James Mattoon
Scott, intend[s] to stage a coup d’état …. According to the plan, an undisclosed
Army combat unit known as ECOMCON (Emergency COMmunications CONtrol) will seize
control of the country’s telephone, radio, and television networks, while the
conspiracy directs the military and its allies in Congress and the media from
“Mount Thunder” (a continuity of government base based on Mount Weather).

It is no secret also that in 1963 Kennedy had aroused major right-wing
dissatisfaction, largely because of signs of his increasing rapprochement with
the Soviet Union. The plot of the book and movie reflects the concern of
liberals at the time about generals like General Edwin Walker, who had resigned
in 1961 after Kennedy criticized his political activities in the Army. (Walker
had given his troops John Birch Society literature, along with the names of
right-wing candidates to vote for.) We can assume however that Kennedy had no
firm evidence of a Mount Weather conspiracy: if he had, it is unlikely his
response would have just been to sponsor a fictionalized movie.

It is important at this stage to point out that, although COG elements like
Mount Weather were considered part of the Pentagon, the COG “government in
waiting” was at no time under military control. On the contrary, President
Eisenhower had ensured that it was broadly based at the top, so its planners
included some of the nation’s top corporate leaders, like Frank Stanton of CBS.
By all accounts of COG leadership in the decades after Reagan took office in
1981, this so-called “shadow government” still included CEOs of private
corporations, like Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney, as well as three former CIA
directors: Richard Helms, James Schlesinger, and George Bush.

Alfonso Chardy wrote in 1987 that the “virtual parallel government” empowering
North to run Iran-Contra had also developed “a secret contingency plan that
called for suspension of the Constitution, turning control of the United States
over to FEMA.” Subsequently North was questioned in the Iran-Contra Hearings
about this charge, but was prevented by the Committee Chairman, Democratic
Senator Inouye, from answering in a public session.

Later, investigating the powerful COG planning group, CNN called it “a hidden
government [in the USA] about which you know nothing.” James Mann emphasized its
hawkish continuity, unaffected by changes of presidency in the White House:

Cheney and Rumsfeld were, in a sense, a part of the permanent, though hidden,
national security apparatus of the United States, inhabitants of a world in
which Presidents come and go, but America always keeps on fighting."

Cheney and Rumsfeld in 1974

Going one step further, Andrew Cockburn quoted a Pentagon source to support a
claim that a COG planning group under Clinton was now for the first time staffed
“almost exclusively with Republican hawks.” In the words of his source, “You
could say this was a secret government-in-waiting. The Clinton administration
was extraordinarily inattentive, [they had] no idea what was going on.”

The Pentagon official’s description of COG planners as a “secret government-in-
waiting” under Clinton (which still included both Cheney and Rumsfeld) is very
close to the standard definition of a cabal, as a group of persons secretly
united to bring about a change or overthrow of government. A very similar
situation existed under Jimmy Carter, when some of those who would later figure
in Iran-Contra (notably George H.W. Bush and Theodore Shackley) worked with
chiefs of foreign intelligence services (the so-called Safari Club) “to start
working with [former DCI Richard] Helms [then U.S. Ambassador to Iran] and his
most trusted operatives outside of Congressional and even Agency purview.” This
group began by backing guerrilla forces in Africa (notably UNITA of Jonas
Savimbi in Angola), which they knew would not be backed by the CIA under William
Colby or Stansfield Turner.

But some of these figures, notably Alexandre de Marenches of the French spy
agency SDECE, became involved with Casey, Bush, Shackley, and others in a 1980
plot – the so-called Republican “October Surprise” – to prevent the reelection
of Jimmy Carter. The essence of this plot was to frustrate Carter’s efforts to
repatriate the hostages seized in the U.S. Tehran Embassy, by negotiating a
Republican deal with the Iranians that would be more to their liking. (The
hostages in fact were returned hours after Reagan took office in 1981.)

This Republican hostage plot in 1980 deserves to be counted as a fifth
structural deep event in recent US history. Unquestionably the illicit contacts
with Iran established by the October Surprise Group in 1980 became, as Alfonso
Chardy wrote, the “genesis” of the Iran-Contra arms deals overseen by the COG/
Mount Weather planners in 1984-86.

In an important interview with journalist Robert Parry, the veteran CIA officer
Miles Copeland claimed that a “CIA within the CIA” inspired the 1980 plot,
having concluded by 1980 that Jimmy Carter (in Copeland’s words) “had to be
removed from the presidency for the good of the country.” Copeland made it clear
to Parry that he shared this view that Carter “represented a grave threat to the
nation,” and former Mossad agent Ari Ben-Menashe told Parry that Copeland
himself was in fact “the conceptual father” of the 1980 arms-for-hostages deal,
and had “brokered [the] Republican cooperation with Israel.” And Copeland,
together with his client Adnan Khashoggi whom he advised, went on with Shackley
to help launch the 1984-85 Iranian arms deals as well.

However, just as Knebel in Seven Days may have overestimated the military
component in the COG Mount Weather leadership, so Copeland may have dwelt too
exclusively on the CIA component behind the October Surprise Group. In The Road
to 9/11, I suggested that this CIA network overlapped with a so-called “Project
Alpha,” working at the time for David Rockefeller and the Chase Manhattan Bank
on Iran issues, which was chaired by the veteran establishment figure John J.

I will conclude by again quoting James Mann’s dictum that the Mount Weather COG
leadership constitutes a “permanent, though hidden, national security apparatus
of the United States, … a world in which Presidents come and go, but America
always keeps on fighting.” And I would like this audience to investigate whether
elements of this enduring leadership, with its ever-changing mix of CIA veterans
and civilian leaders, may have constituted “a secret government-in-waiting,” not
just under Clinton in the 1990s, not just under Carter in 1980, but also under
Kennedy in November 1963.



[1] Peter Dale Scott, The American Deep State: Wall Street, Big Oil, and the
Attack on U.S. Democracy (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014 [forthcoming]).

[2] For a partial list of anomalies between the JFK assassination and 9/11, see
Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War
(New York: Skyhorse, 2013), 341-96.

[3] Tim Shorrock, Spies for Hire (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008), 6.

[4] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald, July
5, 1987, “Some of
President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual parallel government
outside the traditional Cabinet departments and agencies almost from the day
Reagan took office, congressional investigators and administration officials
have concluded.”

[5] Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North, “had
North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s idea” (Arthur Liman,
Lawyer: a life of counsel and controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998],

[6] James Bamford, A Pretext for War: 9/11, Iraq, and the abuse of America’s
intelligence agencies (New York: Doubleday, 2004), 72.

[7] Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of
America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 213-14, 219-29.

[8] Bamford, A Pretext for War, 71-81.

[9] Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, All the President’s Men (New York: Simon
and Schuster, 1974), 23.

[10] Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda (New York: Random House, 1984), 16. For more on
WISP, see David Wise, The Politics of Lying: Government Deception, Secrecy, and
Power (New York: Random House, 1973), 134-37.

[11] John Dean, Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush
(New York: Little Brown, 2004), 120. In addition Howard Baker, in 1973 the
ranking Republican member of the Senate Committee that investigated Watergate,
was later  part of the COG secret leadership (CNN Special Assignment, November
17, 1991).

[12] James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet (New
York: Viking, 2004), 142.

[13] Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 9, p.106 (or 9 WH 106) ; Scott, Deep
Politics, 275-76; Russ Baker, Family of Secrets: The Bush Dynasty, the Powerful
Forces That Put It in the White House, and What Their Influence Means for
America (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009), 119-22.

[14] “White House Communications Agency,” Signal Corps Regimental History,

[15] In the 1990s the WHCA supplied statements to the ARRB concerning
communications between Dallas and Washington on November 22 (NARA #172-10001-
10002 to NARA #172-10000-10008).  The Assassination Records Review Board also
attempted to obtain from the WHCA the unedited original tapes of conversations
from Air Force One on the return trip from Dallas, November 22, 1963. (Edited
and condensed versions of these tapes had been available since the 1970s from
the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library in Austin, Texas.) The attempt was
unsuccessful: “The Review Board’s repeated written and oral inquiries of the
White House Communications Agency did not bear fruit. The WHCA could not produce
any records that illuminated the provenance of the edited tapes.” See
Assassinations Records Review Board: Final Report, chapter 6, Part 1, 116,

[16] 17 WH 394-95, 23 WH 841; 17 WH 368, 395; Scott, Deep Politics and the Death
of JFK, 273-74, 278. The alleged epileptic walked away from the ambulance after
it arrived at Highland (Warren Commission Document 1245, 6-10).

[17] Statement of Special Agent Winston E. Lawson [to Secret Service],” 17 WH
632; Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 278.

[18] Richard Pollock, “The Mysterious Mountain,” The Progressive, March, 1976;
cf. “Mount Weather’s ‘Government-in-Waiting,’”

[19] Russ Baker, Family of Secrets, 121.

[20] Dee Garrison , Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never Worked

(New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 46.

[21] Warren Commission Exhibit 1778, 23 WH 383-84.

[22] Commission Document 344 – SS Howard Tape Copy of 01 Dec 1963, p. 23.

[23] Lee Harvey Oswald fingerprint card, 17 WH 308. The heaviest Oswald actually
weighed was 150 pounds, when he left the Marines in 1959 (19 WH 584, 595).

[24] FBI report by Special Agent Fain, dated May 12, 1960, 17 WH 706. In the
same report Marguerite named Oswald’s father as “Edward Lee Oswald.” His actual
name was Robert Edward Lee Oswald (WR 669-70).

[25] Testimony of Inspector Herbert Sawyer, 6 WH 321-22:  “I remember that he
was a white man and that he wasn’t young and he wasn’t old.” Cf. Dallas Police
Channel Two Tape at 12:25 PM (23 WH 916).

[26] Ian Griggs, “Did Howard Leslie Brennan Really Attend an Identification

[27] Statement of Secret Service Winston Lawson, 17 WH 630: “I checked with
Chief Curry as to location of Lead Car [at  Love Field] and had WHCA portable
radio put in and checked.”

[28] “The lead car was in radio contact with the pilot car by police radio, and
with the Presidential limousine by Secret Service portable radios” (Pamela
McElwain-Brown, “The Presidential Lincoln Continental SS-100-X,” Dealey Plaza
Echo, Volume 3, Issue 2, 23,
d=27). Cf. Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 272-75 (Lumpkin).

[29] David Talbot, Brothers: the hidden history of the Kennedy years (New York:
Free Press, 2007), 148.


[31] Jonathan M. Schoenwald, A time for choosing: the rise of modern American
conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), .

[32] Hope Yen, “Eisenhower Letters Reveal Doomsday Plan: Citizens Tapped to Take
Over in Case of Attack,” AP, Deseret News, March 21, 2004,

[33] CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.

[34] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald,
July 5, 1987, “Some of
President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual parallel government
outside the traditional Cabinet departments and agencies almost from the day
Reagan took office, congressional investigators and administration officials
have concluded.”

[35] Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North, “had
North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s idea” (Arthur Liman,
Lawyer: a life of counsel and controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998],
341). Cf. The “October Surprise” allegations and the circumstances surrounding
the release of the American hostages held in Iran: report of the Special Counsel
to Senator Terry Sanford and Senator James M. Jeffords of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Volume 4, p. 33 (October Surprise

[36] CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.

[37] James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.

[38] Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic Legacy (New
York: Scribner, 2007), 88.

[39] Joseph J. Trento, Prelude to terror: the rogue CIA and the legacy of
America’s private intelligence network (New York: Carroll & Graf, 2005), 61.

[40] Piero Gleijeses, Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the
struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-1991 (Chapel Hill: The University of North
Carolina Press, [2013]), 66-68; Elaine Windrich, “The Laboratory of Hate: The
Role of Clandestine Radio in the Angolan War,” International Journal of Cultural
Studies 3(2), 2000.

[41] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald,
July 5, 1987, “The group,
led by campaign foreign policy adviser Richard Allen, was founded out of concern
Carter might pull off an “October surprise” such as a last-minute deal for the
release of the hostages before the Nov. 4 election. One of the group’s first
acts was a meeting with a man claiming to represent Iran who offered to release
the hostages to Reagan.

Allen — Reagan’s first national security adviser— and another campaign aide,
Laurence Silberman, told The Herald in April of the meeting. they said
McFarlane, then a Senate Armed Services Committee aide, arranged and attended
it. McFarlane later became Reagan’s national security adviser and played a key
role in the Iran-contra affair. Allen and Silberman said they rejected the offer
to release the hostages to Reagan.” [The Iranian was Houshang Lavi, and after
Lavi’s death Robert Parry confirmed from Lavi’s diary that the meeting did take

[42] Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami Herald,
July 5, 1987,

[43] “America’s False History Allows the Powerful to Commit Crimes Without
Consequence,” Mark Karlin Interview of Robert Parry, January 15, 2013, Truthout

[44] Robert Parry, Trick or Treason, 175.

[45] Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 81-83, 88. A key figure was
CIA veteran and Copeland friend Archibald Roosevelt, in 1980 a Carter foe and
also  employee of the Chase Manhattan Bank.

[46] Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.

October 21, 2014 in Current Affairs | Permalink